RAWALPINDI, Pakistan, Dec. 18—“It's peace but I cannot be happy about it,” a sad‐faced historian said when word of President Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan's acceptance of the Indian cease fire proposal began to spread in this city.

“I must agree with what my administration decides,” said an air force officer whose face showed anything but agreement.

The feeling of resentment and humiliation, thinly dis guised among the educated minority, comes into the open far more strongly in rural Pakistan, where the great masses of the people live. A visit Thursday to the agricultural community of Mirza, 60 miles northwest of here, and outlying villages showed the people unready to accept the reality of a dismembered Pakistan, although the loss of East Pakistan was an accomplished fact.

Faith in Final Victory

With striking unanimity, people encountered in 10 days of travel through the north ern parts of this country spoke of war against India in extreme terms of religious zealotry, professing blind faith in final victory even if the last Pakistani had to die to achieve it.

Even persons who showed little familiarity with international events in general spoke angrily of the Tashkent ac cord of 1965, which ended the last outbreak of war on the subcontinent. They said that Pakistan must never again accept a settlement that does not satisfy her claims against India.

Significantly, a number of those interviewed said that the decline and fall of the former President, Mohammad Ayub Khan, began in Tashkent. Top sources close to the Government of President Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan, Marshal Ayub's successor, have been showing awareness of that precedent.

Few of the scores of people interviewed in Mirza were prepared to consider the possibility of such an event, and those who did added with varying degrees of rhetorical fervor that Pakistan would not stop fighting until the last Indian was driven from her territory.

‘Our Soldiers Never Die’

The Interviews were con ducted through an interpreter. No officials were present, but if anything all the comments gathered were more extreme than official declarations or the editorials of the controlled press.

“Islam teaches that our soldiers never die,” said a wo man squatting amid a sparse display of vegetables on the floor of her tiny shop. “If he is killed he is shaeed, he lives forever and is forgiven all his sins.”

Shaeed denotes a special state of blessedness achieved by a warrior slain in the cause of Islam. The word recurred in conversations with men, women and even children.

The woman, who declined to give her name, said that she never worried about her son, who is a soldier, and would not cry if he were killed. “He would be shaeed,” she repeated.

“The war has been imposed on us,” said the woman's son, Ghazi Mustafa. “We'll win because we are fighting for a cause and they have no cause.”

“We'll go back with reinforcements,” said a 10‐year‐ old boy, Abid Ali Shah, speaking about the loss of East Pakistan. He said he could not wait to turn 18 and be come a soldier.

As each hour struck, marking the time for the Government news broadcast, people gathered around radios that had been placed in front of houses by their owners. In the largely illiterate rural communities, the radio is the principal source of information.

A group of teachers listened to the news on the roof terrace of the boys’ school, which, like all other schools, was closed for fear of air raids. The broadcast made no mention of the situation in East Pakistan and the teachers appeared relieved.

“We cannot think of de feat because we are Moslems,” said the principal, Gulzar Husain, in English. “Always the enemies’ power is greater than the Moslems but Moslems are never defeated.”

‘Natural to Hate India’

The principal said that pupils were always taught that India was Pakistan's enemy.

“It is quite natural to hate India,” he went on. “Our ideology is different from theirs.”

Nevertheless India and Pakistan could become good neighbors, Mr. Husain said, if India stopped interfering in Pakistan, left East Pakistan and consented to a plebiscite in Kashmir to determine whether Pakistan or India should control the disputed territory now largely held by India.

“We know how to die,” said Mohammad Ashraf, toothless elder of the village of Bora. “We are ready to go to war, and our children will go first.”

A number of boys giggled but signified assent. They stood a little aside on the stony dirty street divided in the center by an open gutter down which sewage flowed.

Young women, fully veiled, and older ones with their faces uncovered walked by quickly, not looking at the men. The children, many of whom had diseased eyes rim med with black dye, rarely bothered to shoo away the swarms of flies.

‘Traitors’ Are Blamed

“It is not the Indians who are capturing East Pakistan,” said Khan Mohammad a former junior commissioned officer in the British colonial army who wears his beard dyed a flaming carmine. “It is traitors who have labeled themselves Moslems.”

He declined to specify, except to say they were “fifth columnists who had taught students in the wrong way.”

Many of the sons of Mirza are soldiers and many are among those not heard from in East Pakistan, Mr. Ashraf said, but no one is worried about them.

Mistress Halima, a widow whose two sons are soldiers in East Pakistan said, “I don't worry about them; I pray for them.”

“With my own desire I sent them to fight,” she said.

The village elder said that the first two telegrams announcing the death in battle of boys from Mirza were received by messenger Wednesday.

Although the fighting has ended, they are unlikely to be the last of such messages to reach Mirza, because news about the 70,000 Pakistani soldiers in the East is expected to take many months to reach here.