Islamabad: Six weeks after Pakistan's first general elections the winners had not even met. The West wing's Zulfikar Ali Bhutto called on President Yahya Khan and announced a trip to East Pakistan -- but later postponed it. This postponement however proved useful. It gave Bhutto time to think about Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's first comprehensive post-election statement. In it he categorically declared the new constitution could only be framed on the basis of his Awami League's famous six- point programme aiming at full autonomy for the eastern wing.

Addressing a Dacca rally attended by over a million people the Sheikh warned if anyone tried to stop him and his followers there would be "movement and bloodshed". Together with all the future parliamentarians of his party he then took an oath "to build up a happy society through the practical implementation of the six-point programme ".

Mujib told the cheering gathering "to bury alive any member of the party including myself' if they betrayed the oath. The people of "Bangla Desh" (the land of Bengal) had given their verdict in favour of that programme in a referendum and now even the Awami League had no power to change or amend it.

Co-operation of West Pakistanis in framing a constitution would be welcome he said but added he would not allow any "interference" and no compromise on the question of principles could be made.

"Since we are in the majority here we are the majority in the whole of Pakistan. It is our right to run the administration. None should forget that." These remarks obviously were levelled at Bhutto who a few days earlier had said no constitution could be framed nor any government at the centre run without his party's co- operation.

He said the reality of West Pakistan was that his party had swept the elections and therefore it would not permit anyone to "chisel us out" of power and responsibility. If the Awami League insisted on making a constitution of its own liking the PPP (Pakistan People's Party) would step aside and thus not be responsible for the "consequences".

The former foreign minister parried questions about the divisions of power between the centre and the provinces though his objections concerning the six points are well known. Bhutto wants at least the following points to be changed: the power of taxation and the right to handle foreign trade - two subjects which Mujib demands exclusively for the provincial governments. Also, while Mujib is very much in favour of resuming trade with India, Bhutto has a lot of reservations, arguing that normalisation of relations could not be achieved without settling the fundamental disputes over Kashmir and the Farakka barrage issue.

Taking all these points into account it is somehow hard to believe Mujib and Bhutto could come to terms for longterm co-operation, especially as both have become captives of their promises. These are controversial at least as far as the share of power between the centre and the provinces is concerned.

When Mujib claimed to have the right of running the "whole of Pakistan" it was by most of the Pakistani papers hopefully interpreted as proof that the Awami League firmly believed in national unity and the territorial integrity of the country. But even if the party chief adheres to that attitude the question remains whether he will be able to satisfy all those Bengali voters whose sympathy for him seems to be exclusively based on his demand for full autonomy .

And how far expectations in this direction go was reflected at the Awami League's spectacular oath ceremony by hundreds of posters and pamphlets proclaiming "Dacca Now Capital of Pakistan" and "Sovereign Bangla Desh". (See "Children of the Storm" and"Jai Banglar Jai", page 20.)